Tulsa campaign roundup

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Steven Roemerman has a couple of new entries about local elections worth your attention.

He follows up on a question that a talk show host asked him when he called in to express his support for Chris Medlock: "Do you really think Medlock can beat Tom Adelson?" Roemerman answers that question by posing and answering four more questions (my paraphrase):

1. Can Medlock beat a millionaire? Should I vote for Bartlett Jr just because he has more financial resources to use against Tom Adelson? Roemerman's conclusion: If Medlock can beat millionaire Bartlett Jr, he can beat millionaire Tom Adelson, too.

2. Should a voter pick a less preferred candidate that is closer ideologically to the likely Democratic opponent "because it might somehow curry favor with those in the middle or with undecided voters?" Roemerman asks, "How well did that line of thinking work out for us in the last presidential election?"

3. "From where I sit, Adelson and Bartlett Jr are not that much different. Given that Adelson has already beat Bartlett once before in the race for State Senate, what makes you think that given the choice between the two, voters won't make the same choice again?"

In 2004, the year in which George W. Bush swept all 77 counties of Oklahoma, Bush also won the vote in Senate District 33, but Bartlett lost a head-to-head contest with Adelson.

In the 2004 State Senate 33 race, Bartlett had the best coattails a Republican could hope for. Bush won by 8 percentage points in the district, but Bartlett fell short by 3 percentage points.

Bartlett Jr has been able to dodge a real head-to-head debate so far because of the large number of Republican candidates. (It's funny, though -- KFAQ felt comfortable holding a District 8 debate between the two leading contenders and leaving out someone who didn't raise a significant amount of money, but they wouldn't make the same distinction for the mayor's race.) He's avoided putting his policy positions out for public examination, something that Joe Kelley called him on. As a major party nominee, he wouldn't have that luxury in the general election.

I don't know that any of the Republican candidates can beat Adelson, but I'm certain that Bartlett Jr can't. Adelson has a toughness that Bartlett Jr evidently lacks, given the way his campaign team has cushioned him with gauzy generalities.

4. Roemerman wonders about Bartlett Jr's decision to seal the public records of his divorce, when the result was to elevate public awareness of his divorce and bring readers to this website. (My visit count yesterday, after the story in the Tulsa World, was about 50% more than usual on a Saturday, and that on a long holiday weekend.) "Why not just leave it alone?" Roemerman asks.

Roemerman also has the text of anonymous flyer to south Tulsa voters concerned about the ongoing possibility of a bridge across the Arkansas River connecting to Tulsa at Yale Ave. The flyer reminds that Dewey Bartlett Jr was on the turnpike authority and claims that he "never met a tollbooth he didn't like. (Surprisingly, the flyer doesn't mention Bartlett Jr's support for turning the Broken Arrow Expressway into a toll road.)

The flyer also reminds voters that of the eight endorsements that Bartlett touts, two are residents of Bixby and Jenks, communities that would experience retail growth at the expense of Tulsa if the bridge is built. (Two more of the eight are residents of Sapulpa and Kellyville, respectively.)

The concluding thought from the anonymous south Tulsa flyer:


(St. James refers to the south Tulsa church where the South Tulsa Citizens' Coalition gathered to mobiiize against the original Tulsa County Commission / IVI toll bridge plan.)

A new website called DefeatGomez.com takes issue with District 4 Councilor Eric Gomez's claims of achievement and attacks his defense of his failure to notify neighbors about the 10 N. Yale mental health facility and his claim that there was nothing the City Council could do. They also highlight an interesting statistic from Gomez's contributions report -- he raised $3,750 from BOK PAC, BOK Chairman George Kaiser, and several attorneys of the Dorwart law firm, which represents BOK. This may be connected to his steadfast support of the downtown ballpark and his steadfast defense of the assessment district.

Finally, while candidates have discovered social media, I suspect only a few candidates are actually doing their own updates. I am certain that Democratic mayoral candidate Robert Gwin Jr. is doing his own Twitter updates and showing a certain resilience. What was a source of puzzlement on Friday:

according to the NRA PVF website ‚I have a F rating ‚not sure why

on Saturday became a point of pride:

the NRA PVF website endorsed adelson for Mayor of Tulsa with an A rating is he really a democrati? i got a F rating vote for me gwin/ mayor

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Paul Tay Author Profile Page said:

Ever get the sinking feeling the GREAT American Democracy System is like TOTALLY rigged?

1) It doesn't matter to the Mid-town Maple Ridge GOB crowd who wins in November, as long it's not anyone who will renegotiate the 40-year water contracts;

2) The GOB vote's split evenly;

3) The only way to get the slight edge is to make ludicrous promises on the down-low, which can't be possibly be kept, to the North Tulsa pastors, who are running their own harems.

Ridiculous promises made by Savage Sue, Big Bad Bill, and KayTay all got called.

If it's rigged, it's only because American voters are complicit. If voters were willing to inform themselves, instead of waiting for candidates to spoon-feed them via expensive media campaigns, money wouldn't matter as much.

Paul Tay Author Profile Page said:

Yep. In the GREAT American Democracy, candidates without money are automatically marginalized. Perhaps Tim McVeigh had a vision of America we all refuse to face?

Brooksider Author Profile Page said:

Previous comments have a point. The big spenders tend to win. A group of people with a comfortable financial advantage can control government to the extent the voters allow. What this blog and other responsible ones is essential to an informed electorate.

His other, less pleasant, point is simple: Societies and their elite seldom recognize the seeds of rebellion until too late. If our society breaks down it won't be the fault of special interests; it will be the fault of the citizenry who allow conditions to reach that threshold, and then become, inevitably, its victims.

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This page contains a single entry by Michael Bates published on September 6, 2009 6:28 PM.

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